After being imprisoned in 1922 by French imperialist
authorities in Syria for 17 months on Arwad Island, the now-defunct Iron Hand
Society’s former leader, Dr. Abdal-Rahman Shahbandar, was then sent into exile
by French General Weygand, who was in charge of the French occupation troops in
Syria. But by the early Summer of 1924, French authorities apparently felt that
Shahbandar no longer represented an anti-imperialist Syrian nationalist
political threat to continued French rule in Syria ,
and so they allowed Shahbandar to return to Syria from exile at that time. As
Michael Provence’s The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab Nationalism observed,
“by 1925 the occupation and pacification of Syria was presumed complete,” and
“few imagined that nationalist resistance would emerge in the countryside and
spread to the cities—yet this is precisely what happened.”
According to Philip Khoury’s Syria and The French Mandate,
after the French government reformed Syria’s judicial system so that “any
foreign national involved in a commercial or civil dispute” in Syria could
“have his case tried in a court presided over by a French judge” and not by a
Syrian judge (and in which “the majority of judges were to be French”), Syrian
nationalist lawyers of the Union of Lawyers in Damascus organized protests in
1925. In addition, by 1925, “the stark reality of life in a garrison state in
which the French arrested and jailed or exiled scores of their political
opponents, using specially constituted military tribunals headed by Frenchmen”
also sparked protests in 1925, according to the same book. The Great Syrian Revolt and the Rise of Arab
Nationalism also noted that under French imperialist control of Syria
during the first half of the Roaring Twenties, “inflation squeezed people’s
income and savings” in Syria, “drought had gripped southern Syria for 3 or 4
years,” the “tax burden on cultivators had risen,” and “heavy-handed direct
military rule nurtured nationalist and anti-imperialist feeling among the
mandate population.”
Syria and the French Mandate also observed that discontent with
French colonial rule in Syria increased among Muslims in Syria after French
authorities transferred “the Syrian section of the Muslim-owned Hejaz Railway
to a French railroad company in 1924” because the Hejaz Railway had been “the
only railway in Syria not built and owned by Europeans.” In addition, because
“the French treated Syria as an imperialist possession to be exploited in the
`old’ colonial manner” and “their economic policies” just “promoted French
economic interests,” in 1924 “in Aleppo…a French group received the electricity
and tramways concession” and were “guaranteed revenues of 8 percent of the
invested capital” by French authorities, according to the same book.
So when the nationalist Syrian People’s Party--that the formerly
jailed and exiled Iron-Hand Society leader Shahbandar now led--called for a
protest in Damascus against the visit of Lord Balfour (the UK imperialist
politician whose declaration during World War I had expressed UK government
support for the Zionist movement’s establishment of settlements in UK
imperialist-controlled Palestine during the 1920s) on Apr. 8, 1925, according
to Syria
and The French Mandate, the following happened:
“Huge demonstrations in the town were organized against him.
Some 10,000 protesters, including hundreds of high school students, gathered at
the Umayyad Mosque. While police and gendarmes tried to break up the crowd,
Balfour made a hurried exodus to Beirut ,
escorted by French troops and airplanes. Twenty-six casualties were reported.”
By June 1925, “some 1,000 persons in Damascus ” had joined the secular nationalist
People’s Party that Dr. Shahbandar led; although, “in spite of its popular
support” the urban-based People’s Party was still “essentially an elitist
organization” controlled by absentee Syrian landowners, Syrian merchants and
Syrian intellectuals, according to the same book. But even without the
Damascus-based elitist People’s Party having any organized link to the mass of
Syrians who lived in rural areas, French imperialist rule was so unpopular in Syria that in the Summer of 1925 another revolt
of people in Syria
against the military occupation of their country by French imperialist troops
erupted.
(end of part 6)
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