Prior to the September 1954 parliamentary election in Syria,
the Communist Party of Syria—whose “support came mainly from the professional
classes”—had called for “a national front” in Syria “of all `enemies of
feudalism, reaction and imperialism,” according to Patrick Seale’s The
Struggle for Syria;” and the Communist Party of Syria’s leader, Khalid
Bakdash, became the first member of a Communist Party within the Arab world to
be elected as a member of an Arab parliament, as a result of the 1954
democratic election in Syria, by polling “the third highest vote total in Damascus,”
according to the same book.
The anti-imperialist, socialist but non-communist, pan-Arab nationalist
Baath Party candidates in Syria, however, won the support of more Syrian voters
in 1954 than did the Communist Party; while the Communist Party gained 1 seat
in the Syrian parliament, 22 Baath Party candidates were elected to the Syrian
parliament as a result of the September 1954 democratic election. As David
Lesch’s Syria and The United States observed, “out of 142 seats, the Baath
Party gained an unprecedented 22 seats, increasing its strength from 5 percent
in the old parliament to 15 percent in the new.” But the vote received by the
Syrian Communist Party, the Syrian Baath Party and most of the other Syrian
parties “marked the triumph of neutralism and the rejection of formal ties”
with Western imperialist powers like the United States, France and the UK,
according to The Struggle for Syria; and on Nov. 3, 1954 an
anti-imperialist, neutralist Syrian nationalist government was formed by Faris
al-Khoury.
In response, the Republican Eisenhower administration
apparently began to provide covert support for the anti-Baath, more right-wing
Syrian Social Nationalist Party. And after the pro-Baath Deputy Chief of Staff
of the Syrian Army, Adnan al-Malki, indicated that he opposed the U.S. and UK
government-promoted Baghdad Pact, which sought to align Arab governments into a
military alliance with the U.S. and UK governments, Syria and The United States
noted what happened to al-Malki:
“On Apr. 22, 1955 the most influential officer in the Syrian
army and a staunch Baathist supporter, Colonel ‘Adnan al-Malki, was
assassinated. He was gunned down while attending a soccer match in Damascus by
an individual identified as a member of the Syrian Social Nationalist Party
[SSNP]…The SSNP had a history of overt and covert contacts with the West,
including the United States…”
So, to prevent a right-wing, pro-U.S. government coup in
Syria in the Spring of 1955, the Syrian Socialist Nationalist Party [SSNP] was
then outlawed by the Syrian government.
On Aug. 18, 1955 a presidential election was then held in
Syria which was won by the former Syrian civilian president of the late
1940s--Shukri Quwatli--who was backed by conservative Syrian nationalist
civilian politicians. But, in response, on Sept. 6, 1955 the less politically
conservative, pan-Arab nationalist Baath members of the Syrian parliament ended
their parliamentary support for the non-partisan coalition government that had
governed Syria since late 1954; and on Sept. 13, 1955 a new coalition
government in Syria was established, with Said al-Ghazzi as its Prime Minister.
Then “from September 1955 to June 1956, Soviet arms started
reaching Syria in substantial quantities and teams of Syrian officers began
going for training behind the iron curtain,” while within Syria “four daily
newspapers” were now allowed to print Syrian “Communist views,” according to The
Struggle for Syria.
But on June 3, 1956 the Syrian coalition government of Said
al-Ghazzi fell “when Syrian university students stormed and occupied” a
government ministry building “to protest against the revision of a ban on wheat
shipments to France and Algeria (which had not yet won its independence from
France),” according to the same book. And after June 28, 1956 the pan-Arab
nationalist, anti-imperialist (but non-communist) Syrian Baath party’s demand
for the unification of Syria with an Egypt that was governed by the
anti-imperialist (but non-communist) Nasser regime began to gain more popular
support within Syria.
So, not surprisingly, in July 1956 the exiled U.S. and UK
government-backed former Syrian dictator who had been overthrown by the Feb.
25, 1954 military coup, Adib al-Shishakli “arrived clandestinely” and “presided
over a number of meetings attended by the leading conspirators…at which Ghassan
Jadid outlined their plans for a coup,” according to The Struggle for Syria.
As the same book also recalled:
“Britain and the United States were by this time fully
appraised of what was going on. The conspirators are believed to have
approached British representatives in Beirut with requests for help as early as
March 1956.
“By midsummer an Anglo-American-Iraqi (which still was ruled
by a pro-imperialist UK-backed monarchical regime at that time) committee had
been set up in Beirut to exchange intelligence, consider the international
aspects of the plot, and examine plans and suggestions put up to it by the
Syrians…Britain and the United States…also contributed money and arms…”
(end of part 16)
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