(This article was originally posted on The Rag Blog on September 25, 2013)
During the 1930s “Egyptian communist activities…focused
primarily on labor unions, continued to be suppressed” by the UK
imperialist-backed Egyptian monarchical regime, according to Tareq Y. Ismael
and Rifa‘at El-Sa’id’s The Communist Movement in Egypt : 1920-1988.
But in response to both the rise of fascism internationally and the growth
within Egypt of Young Egypt, “a paramilitary organization which in the mid and
latter 1930s demonstrated admiration for the accomplishments of fascist
regimes” in Europe, “antifascist groups…proliferated in Egypt during the
1930s,” according to Selma Botman’s The Rise of Egyptian Communism,
1939-1970. In addition, by the late 1930s some “communist
study circles” were again formed in Egypt “that evolved into several
organizations and factions” by the 1940s, according to an article by Hossam
El-Hamalawy that appeared in the MERIP magazine in
2007, titled “Comrades and Brothers.”
Yet in the 1930s Egyptian society was still “socially
traditional,” “men and women were generally separated,” “marriages were still
arranged” and “women were regarded as the legitimate possessions of men,”
according to The Rise of Egyptian Communism, 1939-1970.
Although Islamic law “allowed a woman to own property, conduct business, and
inherit a portion of her father’s estate equal to half her brother’s share, it
put her at her husband’s mercy in matters concerning divorce and the family,”
according to the same book. But despite the social conservatism of Egyptian
society in the 1930s, some younger, less traditional Egyptian women, however,
did participate in the anti-fascist leftist Egyptian groups of the 1930s.
After the UK imperialist government and its puppet monarchical
regime in Egypt signed an Anglo-Egyptian Treaty on Aug. 26, 1936 which again
recognized Egypt as an independent and sovereign nation but “also
stipulated…that Egypt must grant Britain…military facilities,” according to
Selma Botman’s Egypt from Independence to Revolution, 1919-1952,
in 1937 the UK imperialist government then finally “allowed Egypt to apply for
membership in the League of Nationals and to set up foreign embassies and
consulates.” But Egyptian leftists in the 1930s considered the 1936
Anglo-Egyptian Treaty inadequately anti-imperialist “because British troops
were to remain in Egypt for an additional 20 years and because…promises of
unobstructed democracy and self-determination were absent,” according to the
same book.
The 17-year-old King Farouk--who inherited the Egyptian
throne following the death of his father, King Fuad, in 1936--also, for
example, “soon displayed the same autocratic tendencies as his father,”
although “the British ambassador Sir Miles Lampson…always referred to Farouk as
`The Boy,’ even when the king was in his twenties,” according to Jason
Thompson’s A History of Egypt. And after UK ambassador
Lampson "surrounded the Abdin Palace with tanks” on Feb. 4, 1942 and
“ordered `The Boy’” to appoint as Egypt’s prime minister the particular Wafdist
leader that the UK government alone had selected “or abdicate,” according to A
History of Egypt, this “coercion action confirmed that Egyptian
independence was nothing more than a sham,” according to Egypt from
Independence to Revolution, 1919-1952.
So, not surprisingly, a new wave of anti-British street
protests again broke out in Egypt after leaders of the Egyptian student
movement met in the summer of 1945 and “decided to call for the formation of
national committees to participate in the national movement” of Egypt,
according to The Communist Movement in Egypt: 1920-1988.
(end of article)
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